Labour's First Year : 1945-46

1946 1946 1940s 27 pages The blindness of the Labour Ministers to the harsh content of their smooth words was again shown later in the month. On November 22nd, Mr. Attlee felt that broadcasting methods of making the atomic bomb must await the growth of confidence and the development of safeguards. T...

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Institution:MCR - The Modern Records Centre, University of Warwick
Language:English
English
Published: London : Common Wealth Publications Committee 1946
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Online Access:http://hdl.handle.net/10796/F0FB1296-6E72-4F46-A154-72CF98D5C96A
http://hdl.handle.net/10796/931123E6-6586-46CB-9785-4613EF91D755
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Summary:1946 1946 1940s 27 pages The blindness of the Labour Ministers to the harsh content of their smooth words was again shown later in the month. On November 22nd, Mr. Attlee felt that broadcasting methods of making the atomic bomb must await the growth of confidence and the development of safeguards. That meant that he could trust the American industrialists and warlords with the bomb, but not Britain's Russian Allies in the Second World War, who claimed to be socialists, and had certainly overthrown capitalism in a resounding fashion in Russia in 1917. In the same debate, Mr. Bevin made two gaffes and uttered one profoundly idealistic aspiration. He stated, as a personal, not a Cabinet view, that there should be a world assembly, elected directly from the people of the world as a whole. All people of goodwill hope for this Federation of Man. It would end War and promote social justice. The Foreign Secretary unconsciously hindered his own desire by hoping that the reconstruction of Italy would not be frustrated by political wrangles. Italy cannot be prosperous again until the great estates are broken up, and the industries publicly owned. British influence in Italy is being thrown against radical reconstruction, and in favour of the Kingship, the Pope, the landlords and other vested interests. Secondly, he declared that our business in Indonesia was rescue work and nothing else. This is sheer hypocrisy. The close relationship before the War between the Dutch East Indies and the British Empire was a veiled Protectorate by the British over the Dutch islands and investments. The numerous Javanese and several British Indians killed in the fighting were the casualties of capitalist imperialism. In December, at Moscow, there was a more productive meeting of the Foreign Ministers. The Far Eastern Commission of the Allies, which was set up, had no power, however, to give General MacArthur orders. It is understood that Japan is in America's Pacific sphere of influence. The U.S.S.R. would not agree to a tripartite commission on Persia. She evidently regarded — though Britain and U.S.A. did not — Northern Persia as a Russian zone of influence, where oil concessions and political pull should be hers. It was far from reassuring, in 1945-46, that trade with the U.S.S.R. slumped. No doubt Russia wanted goods on credit, but even on a selfish reckoning, the constant arrival of British machinery would have stimulated goodwill among the leaders and people of U.S.S.R. 7 15X/2/98/21
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